时间：2022-09-24 11:23:54
葛底斯堡战役后，决定为死难烈士举行盛大葬礼。掩葬委员会发给总统一张普通的请帖，他们以为他是不会来的，但林肯答应了。既然总统来，那一定要讲演的，但他们已经请了著名演说家艾佛瑞特来做这件事，因此，他们又给林肯写了信，说在艾佛瑞特演说完毕之后，他们希望他“随便讲几句适当的话”。这是一个侮辱，但林肯平静地接受了。两星期内，他在穿衣、刮脸、吃点心时也想着怎样演说。演说稿改了两三次，他仍不满意。到了葬礼的前一天晚上，还在做最后的修改，然后半夜找到他的同僚高声朗诵。走进会场时，他骑在马上仍把头低到胸前默想着演说辞。
那位艾佛瑞特讲演了两个多小时，将近结束时，林肯不安地掏出旧式眼镜，又一次看他的讲稿。他的演说开始了，一位记者支上三角架准备拍摄照片，等一切就绪的时候，林肯已走下讲台。这段时间只有两分钟，而掌声却持续了10分钟。后人给以极高评价的那份演说辞，在今天译成中文，也不过400字。
gettysburg address
abraham lincoln
delivered on the 19th day of november, 1863
cemetery hill, gettysburg, pennsylvania
fourscore and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. now, we are engaged in a great civil war,testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. we are met on a great battlefield of that war. we have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who gave their lives that nation might live. it is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.
but, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground. the brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract. the world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. it is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us; that from these honored dead, we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion; that this nation, under god, shall have a new birth of freedom; and that government of the people by the people and for the people shall not perish from the earth.
葛底斯堡演说
亚伯拉罕·林肯，1963年11月19日
各位领导，各位朋友：
今天，当我穿着这身海一般湛蓝的税服，头顶着闪闪发光的国徵，站在这讲台上时，我感到异常的激动。一年前，从长春税务学院毕业，穿上这身服装时，每次我都禁不住看它一眼。或许是关注一下自身作为税务人的形象；也或许是兴奋自己又重新扬帆起航了。但它不由地时时让我知道，我是一名税务人，是一名道德的赤诚的清廉的税务人。
道德，以它无所不在，无所不有的特性把我们每一位公民紧紧牵在一起。马克思主义认为它是一种上层建筑和意识形态。我国早在孔孟时代就提出“礼义廉耻”等一套道德规范，并在漫长历史中形成文化习惯。上世纪初，蔡元培曾经这样概括他所理解的当时历史条件下的公民道德：所标揭者，曰自由、平等、亲爱，道德之要者尽于是矣。一个古老国度的现代化进程走到今天，对于公民道德的认识和理解当然应比一个世纪前更为深远，也更加具有社会进步的时代内涵。然而，曾几何时，随着改革开入的深入，越来越多的公民却忘记了道德，忘记了自己是一名中国人。思绪繁乱之时，“好雨知时节”——在二十一世纪，“公民道德建设实施纲要”说出了内里的心声。
而作为一名共和国的税务人，加强道德建设，做一名真正的税务人在新时代下显得如此重要。崭新的世纪大门已为我们开启。每个人都渴望祖国建设的步伐不断迈进。我们，一群为国聚财的税务官，一群共和国的收税人，唯有加强道德建设，加强自身修养，才能对得起这身海蓝的税服，对得起头顶的国徵，才能自豪地说一声，我是一名真正的税务人。
做一名真正的税务人，我们就要赤诚。对国家赤诚，对人民赤诚。如果把祖国比作母亲，税收就是母亲身上的血脉。那么我们——共和国的收税人，就是为伟大母亲献血的孩子，我们就要永远对母亲怀有一颗赤子之心。赤诚就是要求我们爱国。无论何时何地，爱国永远是第一位的。作为中国人，要是不爱国，那就不成为中国人了。所以《公民道德建设实施纲要》在确定爱国、守法、明理、诚信、团结、友善、勤俭、自强、敬业、奉献，这20个字的公民基本道德规范时，把爱国作为首要规范提出，就是要明确对祖国的热爱，是公民最基本，也是最高尚的道德追求。今天，我们税务人面对着各种以高科技为背景的经济挑战，这就要求我们以聪慧的大脑、广博的知识、睿智的心灵和火一般的激情去为祖国谱下华彩乐章！真正的税务人，便是那巍巍国魂下永不变心、永不褪色的赤诚！
做一名真正的税务人，我们就要敬业。加强道德建设不是口号，而是一种行动。社会日新月异，不进则退。随着加入WTO后，要求我们掌握更多更新的税务知识。敬业就是要我们热爱税收，踏实肯干，不断学习，不断进取。身穿税服，心系税务。前面收税的道路尽管很崎岖，需要烈日下我们顶着酷暑下乡，需要暴风雨中我们迎着狂风深入企业。但是，为了共和国的税收，我们无怨无悔。真正的税务人，便是那不怕苦不怕累日益进取的敬业精神。
做一名真正的税务人，我们就要清廉。人说“法律无情”，“法网恢恢，疏而不漏”。当道德这令人怀想起“中华美德”的名字印入眼帘时，我们是否能思考一下“以德治国，不钻漏洞”。每天我们接触大把大把的钞票，时常有企业黑暗的漏洞向我们招手微笑。但是，我们必须抵制诱惑，拒绝黑洞。不要说常在河边走，那有不湿鞋，只要我们时刻牢记着自己是一名真正的税务人，是一个堂堂正正的中国人，我们就要永远公正清廉。做一名真正的税务人，便是那永留清白在人间坚守税务道德的清廉。
朋友们，做一名真正的税务人请我们赶快行动吧，为了我们的祖国，为了共和国的税收大厦。
谢谢大家。
做一名真正的税务人演讲稿
据说在西方，演讲作为一门伟大的技艺，是伴随着宗教的兴盛而日益成熟起来的。宗教需要启迪人心，劝诫信徒皈依，需要牢牢抓住那些在荒野中漂泊的羊群，告知他们渺不可寻的上帝和天国，让他们“信奉那值得信奉的”。牧师们站在荒野的土堆上，或者是站在教堂的台阶上，“把死的说成活的”。为了最有效的撒播那些上帝的福音，他们惟有个个“像有权柄的人”，铿锵有力地去表达他们语言的智慧和机巧。
与牧师们一样，政治家们面对的同样是一群散乱而各行其是的人。牧师们面对的是一个宗教广场，政治家们面对的是一个政治广场。他们同样需要走入人群中去，或者站在高处大声宣讲。政治家需要尽最大可能地去鼓动人们来追随他，遵从他所立下的纲领、立下的“道”，而不是动辄使用武器。
牧师与政治家，是把演讲这门修辞艺术发挥到极致的人，因为他们需要布道，需要熟练地运用上帝赐予的那张嘴。马丁・路德凭借他的演说从德国的一个城市走到另一个城市，一路颁布新戒律，确立了新教伦理。马丁・路德・金面对百万美国人群，说出了“我有一个梦想”，民权运动终于推动了民权宪法的诞生。一番说辞，可抵百万雄兵；一番激情告白，自有欢呼雷鸣。
在杰出的演说可以带来追随者众之外，它还可以用来赚钱。在商业化的时代，演讲已经成为一种赚钱的商业模式和产业。在演讲者本人、主办方、听众之间已经完全可以构筑成一条不停运转的商业链条。
世界上几乎没有一个是以“演讲”为自己职业的人，就如同“说话”本来也就是嘴巴在吃饭之外的副业一样。即便是最需要使用演讲术的牧师和政治家，也只能把演讲当成他的第三产业――“服务业”，――服务于他所要实行的“道”和纲领、政策。如果你天天只在大声说话，而不做疗救社会、引领生民的实事，那么你的听众将作鸟兽散。但是，当政治家们、商业领袖们、曾经拥有权力、拥有智慧的人的主业已经完成，当你已经从权势的位置上引退，你的头衔上只能加上“former”(前任)，那么你所将要从事的“服务业”即演讲业，将完全可以变成你的新主业，从此也可以开始你的人生第二春。
里根、克林顿――美国“前”总统，奥尔布赖特、鲍威尔――美国“前”国务卿，撒切尔夫人、梅杰――英国“前”首相，瓦文萨――波兰“前”总统，拉莫斯――菲律宾“前”总统，桑切斯――哥斯达黎加“前”总统，彭定康――香港“前”总督，格林斯潘――“前”美储联主席，卡莉・菲奥莉娜――惠普电脑公司“前”首席执行官，阿姆斯特朗――第一个登上月球也是“前”美国宇航员，卡斯帕罗夫――国际棋联等级分最高的棋手也是第一个下赢电脑的国际象棋手 还有那些喜剧演员、主持人、诺贝尔奖得主 ・在成千上万的引退政商名流中，在很多已经辉煌不再但是荣誉和头衔将跟随一生的杰出人士中，他们都选择了去经营另外一个事业，那就是与一些演讲经纪公司签约，在本土或全球范围内进行布道、演讲，像那些影视明星一样，去进行倾情演出。与影视明星们不同的是，他们的听众与观众更精英、更专业化，也更舍得出钱，有人愿意花26万人民币，就是为了听克林顿的一场演讲，附加与他对话、合影；有公司愿意出资200万美元，就是为了得到里根短短20分钟的金玉良言。在“演讲产业”(如果承认有这么一个产业的话)的链条中，演讲人、主办者、捧场者都得到了他们想要的东西，得到了他们商业化的全方位实现。在一场一场的演讲中，那些演讲嘉宾得以维持依旧的风光体面，证明曾经的权力和历久弥新的人生智慧依然在有效地影响着这个世界，并且用此换来比退休金多得多的巨额报酬。另外，也成就了一些靠经营名流演讲、为权力人物搭起公开的贩卖舞台的经纪公司，他们把名人演讲做成了可以大赢其利的商品。同样，那些为自己的双耳支付了巨额金钱的人，也受用了一番听觉盛宴，并且有了可资炫耀的资本，甚至，还可以搭上名流们的便车，进入一个更具名气和财富的上流社会。
这是种新的生财之道，也是买、卖、中介三方共赢的新阳光产业。在国外，这一产业早已颇成规模，蔚为壮观，也光明正大。在中国，也正在开始运作、生发，虽然有时不免遮遮掩掩。当经济学家闹出场费的新闻时，这个行业已经起步。当领导们开始由训导式的“讲话”变为诱导式的“演讲”时，这个行业已经开始出现新机。如果一定要为这个产业的未来描画出一番美景的话，你只要去看看，有多少个企业和个人，正在想法设法通过听名人演讲去沾光、去获取资讯(人生智慧的或者是致富门道的)，就可以想见演讲产业将有多么大的市场，我们试图去采访了解著名经济学家如郎成平等人以及阿诺・施瓦辛格中国行的商业出场费，虽然因各种原因最后无从得知详情，但是，中国这片市场的巨大演讲商机，将无法由此遮掩。
有个关于马克・吐温的故事，是这么说的：有一次，马克・吐温去教堂听牧师演讲，最初，牧师精彩的演说让他很感动，因此他准备捐一笔钱。十分钟后，他开始对演讲感到不耐烦了，决定只捐一些零钱。又过了十分钟，牧师仍未讲完，他决定一文不捐。等到牧师终于结束了演讲开始募捐时，马克・吐温出于愤怒，不仅没有捐钱，而且还从牧师的盘子里拿走了两块钱。马克・吐温的故事将不会发生在我们今天商业性的演讲当中了，因为，你所听的每一分钟，都已经预先付款，而且，那个大牌的演讲人，也不会让你免费地去听他多讲哪怕是一秒钟。
本演讲发表于1967年4月4日，是马丁·路德·金在“忧世教士和俗人协会”的一个反越站的集会上的演讲，集会的地点是纽约著名的河边大教堂（riverside church）。
我之所以跨入此间宏伟的教堂，是因为我的良心让我别无选择。我加入你们的集会，则是因为我对这个聚合我们的组织——“忧世教士和俗人协会”关注越南——的工作和主旨非常认同。我对你们执委会最近的声明深有同感，当我阅读到它的开场白的时候就甚有共鸣：“这是一个‘沉默即是背叛’的时刻。”
i come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. i join you in this meeting because i am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: clergy and laymen concerned about vietnam. the recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and i found myself in full accord when i read its opening lines: "a time comes when silence is betrayal."
演讲全文：a time to break silence by martin luther king, jr.
i come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. i join you in this meeting because i am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: clergy and laymen concerned about vietnam. the recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and i found myself in full accord when i read its opening lines: "a time comes when silence is betrayal." and that time has come for us in relation to vietnam.
the truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one. even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government's policy, especially in time of war. nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one's own bosom and in the surrounding world. moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being mesmerized by uncertainty; but we must move on.
and some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak. we must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak. and we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation's history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of smooth patriotism to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history. perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. if it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us.
over the past two years, as i have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as i have called for radical departures from the destruction of vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path. at the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: "why are you speaking about the war, dr. king?" "why are you joining the voices of dissent?" "peace and civil rights don't mix," they say. "aren't you hurting the cause of your people," they ask? and when i hear them, though i often understand the source of their concern, i am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my commitment or my calling. indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live.
in the light of such tragic misunderstanding, i deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and i trust concisely, why i believe that the path from dexter avenue baptist church -- the church in montgomery, alabama, where i began my pastorate -- leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.
i come to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation. this speech is not addressed to hanoi or to the national liberation front. it is not addressed to china or to russia. nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to the tragedy of vietnam. neither is it an attempt to make north vietnam or the national liberation front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they must play in the successful resolution of the problem. while they both may have justifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the united states, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides.
tonight, however, i wish not to speak with hanoi and the national liberation front, but rather to my fellowed [sic] americans, *who, with me, bear the greatest responsibility in ending a conflict that has exacted a heavy price on both continents.
since i am a preacher by trade, i suppose it is not surprising that i have seven major reasons for bringing vietnam into the field of my moral vision.* there is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in vietnam and the struggle i, and others, have been waging in america. a few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle. it seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor -- both black and white -- through the poverty program. there were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. then came the buildup in vietnam, and i watched this program broken and eviscerated, as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and i knew that america would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube. so, i was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such.
perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home. it was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population. we were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in southeast asia which they had not found in southwest georgia and east harlem. and so we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching negro and white boys on tv screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. and so we watch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we realize that they would hardly live on the same block in chicago. i could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor.
my third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my experience in the ghettoes of the north over the last three years -- especially the last three summers. as i have walked among the desperate, rejected, and angry young men, i have told them that molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems. i have tried to offer them my deepest compassion while maintaining my conviction that social change comes most meaningfully through nonviolent action. but they ask -- and rightly so -- what about vietnam? they ask if our own nation wasn't using massive doses of violence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted. their questions hit home, and i knew that i could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today -- my own government. for the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of the hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, i cannot be silent.
for those who ask the question, "aren't you a civil rights leader?" and thereby mean to exclude me from the movement for peace, i have this further answer. in 1957 when a group of us formed the southern christian leadership conference, we chose as our motto: "to save the soul of america." we were convinced that we could not limit our vision to certain rights for black people, but instead affirmed the conviction that america would never be free or saved from itself until the descendants of its slaves were loosed completely from the shackles they still wear. in a way we were agreeing with langston hughes, that black bard of harlem, who had written earlier:
o, yes,
i say it plain,
america never was america to me,
and yet i swear this oath --
america will be!
now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of america today can ignore the present war. if america's soul becomes totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read: vietnam. it can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over. so it is that those of us who are yet determined that america will be are led down the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land.
as if the weight of such a commitment to the life and health of america were not enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in 1954** [sic]; and i cannot forget that the nobel prize for peace was also a commission -- a commission to work harder than i had ever worked before for "the brotherhood of man." this is a calling that takes me beyond national allegiances, but even if it were not present i would yet have to live with the meaning of my commitment to the ministry of jesus christ. to me the relationship of this ministry to the making of peace is so obvious that i sometimes marvel at those who ask me why i'm speaking against the war. could it be that they do not know that the good news was meant for all men -- for communist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and for white, for revolutionary and conservative? have they forgotten that my ministry is in obedience to the one who loved his enemies so fully that he died for them? what then can i say to the vietcong or to castro or to mao as a faithful minister of this one? can i threaten them with death or must i not share with them my life?
and finally, as i try to explain for you and for myself the road that leads from montgomery to this place i would have offered all that was most valid if i simply said that i must be true to my conviction that i share with all men the calling to be a son of the living god. beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood, and because i believe that the father is deeply concerned especially for his suffering and helpless and outcast children, i come tonight to speak for them.
this i believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationalism and which go beyond our nation's self-defined goals and positions. we are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation and for those it calls "enemy," for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers.
and as i ponder the madness of vietnam and search within myself for ways to understand and respond in compassion, my mind goes constantly to the people of that peninsula. i speak now not of the soldiers of each side, not of the ideologies of the liberation front, not of the junta in saigon, but simply of the people who have been living under the curse of war for almost three continuous decades now. i think of them, too, because it is clear to me that there will be no meaningful solution there until some attempt is made to know them and hear their broken cries.
they must see americans as strange liberators. the vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence *in 1954* -- in 1945 *rather* -- after a combined french and japanese occupation and before the communist revolution in china. they were led by ho chi minh. even though they quoted the american declaration of independence in their own document of freedom, we refused to recognize them. instead, we decided to support france in its reconquest of her former colony. our government felt then that the vietnamese people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long. with that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by china -- for whom the vietnamese have no great love -- but by clearly indigenous forces that included some communists. for the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives.
for nine years following 1945 we denied the people of vietnam the right of independence. for nine years we vigorously supported the french in their abortive effort to recolonize vietnam. before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the french war costs. even before the french were defeated at dien bien phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not. we encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will. soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization.
after the french were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would come again through the geneva agreement. but instead there came the united states, determined that ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, premier diem. the peasants watched and cringed as diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the north. the peasants watched as all this was presided over by united states' influence and then by increasing numbers of united states troops who came to help quell the insurgency that diem's methods had aroused. when diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace.
the only change came from america, as we increased our troop commitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support. all the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform. now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow vietnamese, the real enemy. they move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. they know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs.
so they go, primarily women and children and the aged. they watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. they must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees. they wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from american firepower for one vietcong-inflicted injury. so far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children. they wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals. they see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. they see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers.
what do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? what do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of europe? where are the roots of the independent vietnam we claim to be building? is it among these voiceless ones?
we have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. we have destroyed their land and their crops. we have cooperated in the crushing of the nation's only noncommunist revolutionary political force, the unified buddhist church. we have supported the enemies of the peasants of saigon. we have corrupted their women and children and killed their men.
now there is little left to build on, save bitterness. *soon the only solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call "fortified hamlets." the peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new vietnam on such grounds as these. could we blame them for such thoughts? we must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise. these, too, are our brothers.
perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies.* what of the national liberation front, that strangely anonymous group we call "vc" or "communists"? what must they think of the united states of america when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the south? what do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? how can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of "aggression from the north" as if there were nothing more essential to the war? how can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land? surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions. surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. surely we must see that our own computerized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts.
how do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent communist, and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? what must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of vietnam, and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly organized political parallel government will not have a part? they ask how we can speak of free elections when the saigon press is censored and controlled by the military junta. and they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them, the only party in real touch with the peasants. they question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be excluded. their questions are frighteningly relevant. is our nation planning to build on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of new violence?
here is the true meaning and value of compassion and nonviolence, when it helps us to see the enemy's point of view, to hear his questions, to know his assessment of ourselves. for from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.
so, too, with hanoi. in the north, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust. to speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in western words, and especially their distrust of american intentions now. in hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the japanese and the french, the men who sought membership in the french commonwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies. it was they who led a second struggle against french domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at geneva. after 1954 they watched us conspire with diem to prevent elections which could have surely brought ho chi minh to power over a united vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again. when we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered.
also, it must be clear that the leaders of hanoi considered the presence of american troops in support of the diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the geneva agreement concerning foreign troops. they remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the south until american forces had moved into the tens of thousands.
hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier north vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none existed when they had clearly been made. ho chi minh has watched as america has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumors of american plans for an invasion of the north. he knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy. perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than *eight hundred, or rather,* eight thousand miles away from its shores.
at this point i should make it clear that while i have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless in vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called "enemy," i am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything else. for it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. we are adding cynicism to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved. before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor.
somehow this madness must cease. we must stop now. i speak as a child of god and brother to the suffering poor of vietnam. i speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted. i speak for the poor of america who are paying the double price of smashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in vietnam. i speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken. i speak as one who loves america, to the leaders of our own nation: the great initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours.
this is the message of the great buddhist leaders of vietnam. recently one of them wrote these words, and i quote:
each day the war goes on the hatred increases in the heart of the vietnamese and in the hearts of those of humanitarian instinct. the americans are forcing even their friends into becoming their enemies. it is curious that the americans, who calculate so carefully on the possibilities of military victory, do not realize that in the process they are incurring deep psychological and political defeat. the image of america will never again be the image of revolution, freedom, and democracy, but the image of violence and militarism (unquote).
if we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in vietnam. if we do not stop our war against the people of vietnam immediately, the world will be left with no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game we have decided to play. the world now demands a maturity of america that we may not be able to achieve. it demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the vietnamese people. the situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways. in order to atone for our sins and errors in vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war.
*i would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should do immediately to begin the long and difficult process of extricating ourselves from this nightmarish conflict:
number one: end all bombing in north and south vietnam.
number two: declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action will create the atmosphere for negotiation.
three: take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in southeast asia by curtailing our military buildup in thailand and our interference in laos.
four: realistically accept the fact that the national liberation front has substantial support in south vietnam and must thereby play a role in any meaningful negotiations and any future vietnam government.
five: *set a date that we will remove all foreign troops from vietnam in accordance with the 1954 geneva agreement.
part of our ongoing...part of our ongoing commitment might well express itself in an offer to grant asylum to any vietnamese who fears for his life under a new regime which included the liberation front. then we must make what reparations we can for the damage we have done. we must provide the medical aid that is badly needed, making it available in this country, if necessary. meanwhile... meanwhile, we in the churches and synagogues have a continuing task while we urge our government to disengage itself from a disgraceful commitment. we must continue to raise our voices and our lives if our nation persists in its perverse ways in vietnam. we must be prepared to match actions with words by seeking out every creative method of protest possible.
*as we counsel young men concerning military service, we must clarify for them our nation's role in vietnam and challenge them with the alternative of conscientious objection. i am pleased to say that this is a path now chosen by more than seventy students at my own alma mater, morehouse college, and i recommend it to all who find the american course in vietnam a dishonorable and unjust one. moreover, i would encourage all ministers of draft age to give up their ministerial exemptions and seek status as conscientious objectors.* these are the times for real choices and not false ones. we are at the moment when our lives must be placed on the line if our nation is to survive its own folly. every man of humane convictions must decide on the protest that best suits his convictions, but we must all protest.
now there is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sending us all off on what in some circles has become a popular crusade against the war in vietnam. i say we must enter that struggle, but i wish to go on now to say something even more disturbing.
the war in vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within the american spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality...and if we ignore this sobering reality, we will find ourselves organizing "clergy and laymen concerned" committees for the next generation. they will be concerned about guatemala and peru. they will be concerned about thailand and cambodia. they will be concerned about mozambique and south africa. we will be marching for these and a dozen other names and attending rallies without end, unless there is a significant and profound change in american life and policy.
and so, such thoughts take us beyond vietnam, but not beyond our calling as sons of the living god.
in 1957, a sensitive american official overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution. during the past ten years, we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which has now justified the presence of u.s. military advisors in venezuela. this need to maintain social stability for our investments accounts for the counterrevolutionary action of american forces in guatemala. it tells why american helicopters are being used against guerrillas in cambodia and why american napalm and green beret forces have already been active against rebels in peru.
it is with such activity in mind that the words of the late john f. kennedy come back to haunt us. five years ago he said, "those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable." increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken, the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that come from the immense profits of overseas investments. i am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. we must rapidly begin...we must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society. when machines and computers, profit motives and property rights, are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, extreme materialism, and militarism are incapable of being conquered.
a true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and present policies. on the one hand, we are called to play the good samaritan on life's roadside, but that will be only an initial act. one day we must come to see that the whole jericho road must be transformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbed as they make their journey on life's highway. true compassion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar. it comes to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring.
a true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth. with righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see individual capitalists of the west investing huge sums of money in asia, africa, and south america, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries, and say, "this is not just." it will look at our alliance with the landed gentry of south america and say, "this is not just." the western arrogance of feeling that it has everything to teach others and nothing to learn from them is not just.
a true revolution of values will lay hand on the world order and say of war, "this way of settling differences is not just." this business of burning human beings with napalm, of filling our nation's homes with orphans and widows, of injecting poisonous drugs of hate into the veins of peoples normally humane, of sending men home from dark and bloody battlefields physically handicapped and psychologically deranged, cannot be reconciled with wisdom, justice, and love. a nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.
america, the richest and most powerful nation in the world, can well lead the way in this revolution of values. there is nothing except a tragic death wish to prevent us from reordering our priorities so that the pursuit of peace will take precedence over the pursuit of war. there is nothing to keep us from molding a recalcitrant status quo with bruised hands until we have fashioned it into a brotherhood.
*this kind of positive revolution of values is our best defense against communism. war is not the answer. communism will never be defeated by the use of atomic bombs or nuclear weapons. let us not join those who shout war and, through their misguided passions, urge the united states to relinquish its participation in the united nations.* these are days which demand wise restraint and calm reasonableness. *we must not engage in a negative anticommunism, but rather in a positive thrust for democracy, realizing that our greatest defense against communism is to take offensive action in behalf of justice. we must with positive action seek to remove those conditions of poverty, insecurity, and injustice, which are the fertile soil in which the seed of communism grows and develops.*
these are revolutionary times. all over the globe men are revolting against old systems of exploitation and oppression, and out of the wounds of a frail world, new systems of justice and equality are being born. the shirtless and barefoot people of the land are rising up as never before. the people who sat in darkness have seen a great light. we in the west must support these revolutions.
it is a sad fact that because of comfort, complacency, a morbid fear of communism, and our proneness to adjust to injustice, the western nations that initiated so much of the revolutionary spirit of the modern world have now become the arch antirevolutionaries. this has driven many to feel that only marxism has a revolutionary spirit. therefore, communism is a judgment against our failure to make democracy real and follow through on the revolutions that we initiated. our only hope today lies in our ability to recapture the revolutionary spirit and go out into a sometimes hostile world declaring eternal hostility to poverty, racism, and militarism. with this powerful commitment we shall boldly challenge the status quo and unjust mores, and thereby speed the day when "every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low, and the crooked shall be made straight, and the rough places plain."
a genuine revolution of values means in the final analysis that our loyalties must become ecumenical rather than sectional. every nation must now develop an overriding loyalty to mankind as a whole in order to preserve the best in their individual societies.
this call for a worldwide fellowship that lifts neighborly concern beyond one's tribe, race, class, and nation is in reality a call for an all-embracing and unconditional love for all mankind. this oft misunderstood, this oft misinterpreted concept, so readily dismissed by the nietzsches of the world as a weak and cowardly force, has now become an absolute necessity for the survival of man. when i speak of love i am not speaking of some sentimental and weak response. i am not speaking of that force which is just emotional bosh. i am speaking of that force which all of the great religions have seen as the supreme unifying principle of life. love is somehow the key that unlocks the door which leads to ultimate reality. this hindu-muslim-christian-jewish-buddhist belief about ultimate reality is beautifully summed up in the first epistle of saint john: "let us love one another, for love is god. and every one that loveth is born of god and knoweth god. he that loveth not knoweth not god, for god is love." "if we love one another, god dwelleth in us and his love is perfected in us." let us hope that this spirit will become the order of the day.
we can no longer afford to worship the god of hate or bow before the altar of retaliation. the oceans of history are made turbulent by the ever-rising tides of hate. and history is cluttered with the wreckage of nations and individuals that pursued this self-defeating path of hate. as arnold toynbee says: "love is the ultimate force that makes for the saving choice of life and good against the damning choice of death and evil. therefore the first hope in our inventory must be the hope that love is going to have the last word" (unquote).
we are now faced with the fact, my friends, that tomorrow is today. we are confronted with the fierce urgency of now. in this unfolding conundrum of life and history, there is such a thing as being too late. procrastination is still the thief of time. life often leaves us standing bare, naked, and dejected with a lost opportunity. the tide in the affairs of men does not remain at flood -- it ebbs. we may cry out desperately for time to pause in her passage, but time is adamant to every plea and rushes on. over the bleached bones and jumbled residues of numerous civilizations are written the pathetic words, "too late." there is an invisible book of life that faithfully records our vigilance or our neglect. omar khayyam is right: "the moving finger writes, and having writ moves on."
we still have a choice today: nonviolent coexistence or violent coannihilation. we must move past indecision to action. we must find new ways to speak for peace in vietnam and justice throughout the developing world, a world that borders on our doors. if we do not act, we shall surely be dragged down the long, dark, and shameful corridors of time reserved for those who possess power without compassion, might without morality, and strength without sight.
now let us begin. now let us rededicate ourselves to the long and bitter, but beautiful, struggle for a new world. this is the calling of the sons of god, and our brothers wait eagerly for our response. shall we say the odds are too great? shall we tell them the struggle is too hard? will our message be that the forces of american life militate against their arrival as full men, and we send our deepest regrets? or will there be another message -- of longing, of hope, of solidarity with their yearnings, of commitment to their cause, whatever the cost? the choice is ours, and though we might prefer it otherwise, we must choose in this crucial moment of human history.
as that noble bard of yesterday, james russell lowell, eloquently stated:
once to every man and nation comes a moment to decide,
in the strife of truth and falsehood, for the good or evil side;
some great cause, god's new messiah offering each the bloom or blight,
and the choice goes by forever 'twixt that darkness and that light.
though the cause of evil prosper, yet 'tis truth alone is strong
though her portions be the scaffold, and upon the throne be wrong
yet that scaffold sways the future, and behind the dim unknown
standeth god within the shadow, keeping watch above his own.
and if we will only make the right choice, we will be able to transform this pending cosmic elegy into a creative psalm of peace.
Never Tiring, Never Yielding, Never Finishing
永不疲惫，永不气馁，永不完竭——乔治·布什
Never tiring, never yielding, neverfinishing, we renew that purpose today; to make our country more just and generous; to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.
永不疲惫，永不气馁，永不完竭，今天我们重树这样的目标：使我们的国家变得更加公正、更加慷慨，去体现我们每个人和所有人生命的尊严。
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Tribute to Diana
致戴安娜——查尔斯·斯宾塞
Diana was the very essence of compassion, of duty, of style, of beauty. All over the world she was a symbol of selfless humanity. All over the world, a standard bearer for the right of the truly downtrodden, a very British girl who transcend nationality, someone with a natural nobility who was classless.
在全世界，戴安娜是同情心、责任心、风度和美丽的化身，是无私和人道的象征，是维护真正被践踏的权益的旗手，是一个超越国界的英国女孩，是一个带有自然的高贵气质的人，是一个不分阶层的人。
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尊敬的各位领导、同事们您们好：
半个多世纪的时空跨度是巨大的，白求恩的精神魅力、人格魅力是不变的，是不朽的，更是时尚的！生命虽然不能重生，但高贵的灵魂可以复活、崇高精神可以永恒！
目前解决“看病贵看病难”问题成为全社会最热的话题之一。但作为医疗主体的医务人员，怎样在自身范围内，提高服务能力，做个真正的好医生，提高病人满意度。
我认为医疗技术是医生的生命元素。我认为高超的医疗技术，让病人得到最合适的治疗，是每一位优秀医生所必须的，也是最基本的元素，就如乘飞机要保证安全到达目的地一样重要。
作为一名医学工作者怎样才能提高医疗技术，给于病人最合适的治疗呢？
首先得读很多书，只有多看书，你才会有广阔的思路。多看最新发表的文献，了解别人的最新研究成果。在临床，会碰到很多疑难病例，情况千变万化，假如用一种方法去处理这些病人，肯定不对。所以要学会自己去判断哪些是对的，哪些是错的，而这些文献资料都是目前最新研究成果，在我们从事医疗工作中带来很多帮助。
医患沟通是医生的基本技能。作为一名医生不光会处理临床问题，更要面对更多其他问题；来自不同地区的病人情况可能都不同，只有与病人多沟通，进行深层次的讨论，才能正确把握病情。沟通体现在两方面：首先是“听”，聆听病人的声音。不管是诊断，还是选择什么检查、治疗方案，都必须从“听”中分析出来。作为一名医生不但要听，还要花更多的时间与你的病人在一起交流。交流还可以减少临床上非常多的误会。病人有时会错误的认为所接受的治疗是不正确的。所以与病人交流非常重要，并且还得知道怎么样才能跟病人进行有效交流。医生不单要学习医学，掌握临床技能，还要学习心理学、社会学。同时，对于不同的病人，得进行个性化的沟通，比如把晚期肿瘤病人分成三类：有社会问题的，需要治疗的，还有其他肿瘤的病人；不同病人需要不同的沟通方式。有些特殊病人需要创造一个特殊的环境，如封闭的空间，与病人单独接触，了解他的真实想法。不容易沟通的病人得给他时间，耐心、耐心、再耐心。
我认为对职业本身的热爱是做位好医生的基础。做为医生面对的是生命，责任非常重大，除了职业本身的要求，还得对它热爱，只有这样，你才能成为一个好医生。对于一名医生来说，高超的技术非常重要，但对于一个医院来说，还得提供更多的东西。比如合理、科学的流程避免医生减少错误，降低并发症；建立完善的制度，提高医务人员的自控能力和他控能力。对病人要留有一定的空间。
随着人们生活水平的提高，附加服务变得越来越重要，甚至与医疗技术相平衡的状况。这就如我们去做飞机一样，首要问题是安全到达目的地，但当我们坐上飞机以后，就会对坐位是否舒适、宽敞，空调温度是否适宜等等提出附加要求，作为病人也一样。我们必须要足够地去重视、完善，创造一个安全、和协的医疗氛围。
谢谢大家
Must Be Strong 我们必须强大--威廉·杰斐逊·克林顿
we must not waste the precious gift of this time. For all of us are on that same journey of our lives, and our journey, too, will come to an end. But the journey of our America must go on.
我们不能浪费当前宝贵的时机。因为我们大家都在生命的同一旅途上，我们的旅途会有终点。但我们的美国之路必须走下去。
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影响一生的名人励志演讲英语金句汇总
大家好！
今天我为大家演讲的题目是《铭记八荣八耻，做一名真正的国税人》。当伟大的祖国乘上时代的高速列车，沿着小康之路飞奔向前的时候；当全国人民同心同德建设有中国特色社会主义的时候；当推进公民道德建设日益成为一项系统工程的时候，总书记提出了在全社会大力弘扬社会主义荣辱观的重要论述：“以热爱祖国为荣，以危害祖国为耻；以服务人民为荣，以背离人民为耻；以崇尚科学为荣，以愚昧无知为耻；以辛勤劳动为荣，以好逸恶劳为耻；以团结互助为荣，以损人利己为耻；以诚实守信为荣，以见利忘义为耻；以遵纪守法为荣，以违法乱纪为耻；以艰苦奋斗为荣，以骄奢淫逸为耻。”
“八荣八耻”，字字铿锵，句句深邃，它为我们在新形势下明辨是非、区分善恶、分清美丑提出了新要求，为我国公民道德建设树立了新标尺，为净化社会风气提供了有力武器，成为构建和谐社会坚实的精神依托。
“宁可毁人，不可毁誉”多少年前，我国的思想家就十分注重荣辱观念的树立。在中华民族五千年的历史长河中，一代又一代仁人志士总是把个人的荣辱融入到捍卫民族利益、实现民族振兴之中。
“三十功名尘与土，八千里路云和月”是岳飞精忠报国的旷达情怀；“王师北定中原日，家祭无忘告乃翁”是陆游亡国之恨的血泪之声；“先天下之忧而忧，后天下之乐而乐”，是范仲淹忧国思国的浓浓深情；“苟利国家生死矣，岂因祸福避趋之？”是林则徐时刻准备为国献身的赤胆忠心；“寄意寒星荃不察，我以我血荐轩辕”更是鲁迅先生倾其一生爱国救国的真实写照！
美好的品德总是代代相传，不断发展的，在我国社会主义革命和建设进程中，无数的先进人物和英雄模范为我们树立了光辉的榜样，、、雷锋、张海迪、李素丽、徐虎、王选……这一串串闪光的名字，无不闪耀着高尚道德的光辉；井冈山精神、延安精神、“两弹一星”精神、载人航天精神，这些新时代的精神无不为传统美德注入了新的内涵。
这些历史豪杰、社会楷模、知名人士、无名英雄之所以为人们所熟悉、所敬仰，就是因为他们用无私无畏的牺牲、用默默无闻的付出、用战胜命运的壮举、用殚精竭虑的追求、用爱岗敬业的行动，端端正正地书写了“高尚”，诠释了“美好”，在人们心目中竖起了“光荣”的丰碑！
我们，作为一群为国聚财的税务官，一群共和国的收税人，唯有时刻铭记八荣八耻，加强道德建设，加强自身修养，才能对得起这身海蓝的税服，对得起头顶的国徵，才能自豪地说一声，我是一名真正的国税人。
做一名真正的国税人，我们就要赤诚。对国家赤诚，对人民赤诚。如果把祖国比作母亲，税收就是母亲身上的血脉。那么我们——共和国的收税人，就是为伟大母亲献血的孩子，我们就要永远对母亲怀有一颗赤子之心。赤诚就是要求我们爱国。无论何时何地，爱国永远是第一位的。所以八荣八耻把“以热爱祖国为荣，以危害祖国为耻”放在首位提出，就是要明确对祖国的热爱，是公民最基本，也是最高尚的道德追求。今天，我们税务人面对着各种以高科技为背景的经济挑战，这就要求我们以聪慧的大脑、广博的知识、睿智的心灵和火一般的激情去为祖国谱下华彩乐章！真正的国税人，便是那巍巍国魂下永不变心、永不褪色的赤诚！
做一名真正的国税人，我们就要敬业。加强道德建设不是口号，而是一种行动。社会日新月异，不进则退。随着加入WTO后，要求我们掌握更多更新的税务知识。敬业就是要我们热爱税收，踏实肯干，不断学习，不断进取。身穿税服，心系税务。尽管前面收税的道路很崎岖，需要烈日下我们顶着酷暑下乡，需要暴风雨中我们迎着狂风深入企业。但是，为了共和国的税收，我们无怨无悔。真正的国税人，便是那不怕苦不怕累日益进取的敬业精神。
做一名真正的税务人，我们就要清廉。人们说“法律无情”，“法网恢恢，疏而不漏”。当道德令人怀想起“中华美德”的名字印入眼帘时，我们是否能思考一下“以德治国，不钻漏洞”。每天我们接触大把大把的钞票，时常有企业黑暗的漏洞向我们招手微笑。但是，我们必须抵制诱惑，拒绝黑洞。不要说常在河边走，那有不湿鞋，只要我们时刻牢记着自己是一名真正的税务人，是一个堂堂正正的中国人，我们就要永远公正清廉。真正的国税人，便是那永留清白在人间坚守税务道德的清廉。
借今天演讲的机会，我在这里向大家郑重承诺，并愿意与同志们共勉。在今后的工作和业务上，将努力做到：第一，加强自身道德修养。依法治税是税收工作的基本原则和灵魂，以德治税是以德治国方略提出之后对税收工作的新要求，也是新时期税收工作的重大创新。作为税收执法者，在工作中，首先要把税德规范做为内心信念，化为行为品质，以此来支配自己的行为；其次，要在“稳”和“微”处着手。俗话说：“积小善而成大德”，“千里之堤溃于蚁穴”，要时刻从细微小事上锻炼自己廉洁奉公的品德，筑牢坚固的人格道德防线。只有自觉加强锻炼，努力自省，闻过即改，始终品行如一，正气浩然，才能一心为公，敢于较真碰硬，为税收事业而奋斗不息。第二，锐意进取，不断创新。时代在一日千里地飞速前进，唯独知识是立足之本。宋代朱熹说：“无一事而不学，无一时而不学，成功之路也”。第三，爱岗敬业，无私奉献。人们常把生命比作蜡烛，每个人燃出的光亮是不同的。有的“春蚕到死丝方尽，蜡炬成灰泪始干”，有的“流星一闪忽暗去，浑浑噩噩过一生”。作为21世纪的国税工作者，时代赋予我们光荣而神圣的职责。为了自己所钟爱的国税事业，我愿做一颗让阳光折射的雨滴，汇入大海，做一滴大地返青的甘露，融入山川。
亲爱的同志们，让我们共同把目光投向历史、现实和未来，始终铭记“八荣八耻”，积极应对新世纪国税工作提出的新挑战，携手合作、并肩战斗，顽强拼搏、无私奉献，让工作更加出色，让生活更加丰富，让青春更加生动，让生命更加精彩！
winston churchill
may 13, 1940
英汉对照
on friday evening last i received from his majesty the mission to form a new administration.
it was the evident will of parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties.
i have already completed the most important part of this task. a war cabinet has been formed of five members, representing, with the labor, opposition and liberals, the unity of the nation.
it was necessary that this should be done in one single day on account of the extreme urgency and rigor of events. other key positions were filled yesterday. i am submitting a further list to the king tonight. i hope to complete the appointment of principal ministers during tomorrow.
the appointment of other ministers usually takes a little longer. i trust when parliament meets again this part of my task will be completed and that the administration will be complete in all respects.
i considered it in the public interest to suggest to the speaker that the house should be summoned today. at the end of today's proceedings, the adjournment of the house will be proposed until may 2l with provision for earlier meeting if need be. business for that will be notified to m. p. 's at the earliest opportunity.
i now invite the house by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare its confidence in the new government. the resolution:
"that this house welcomes the formation of a government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with germany to a victorious conclusion."
to form an administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself. but we are in the preliminary phase of one of the greatest battles in history. we are in action at any other points-in norway and in holland-and we have to be prepared in the mediterranean. the air battle is continuing, and many preparations have to be made here at home.
in this crisis i think i may be pardoned if i do not address the house at any length today, and i hope that any of my friends and colleagues or for mer colleagues who are affected by the political reconstruction will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act.
i say to the house as i said to ministers who have joined this government, i have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat. we have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. we have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering.
you ask, what is our policy? i say it is to wage war by land, sea and air. war with all our might and with all the strength god has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. that is our policy.
you ask, what is our aim? i can answer in one word, it is victory. victory at all costs-victory in spite of all terrors-victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival.
let that be realized. no survival for the british empire, no survival for all that the british empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward toward his goal.
i take up my task in buoyancy and hope. i feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men.
i feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of all and to say, "come then, let us go forward together with our united strength."
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
"热血、汗水和眼泪"
温斯顿·丘吉尔
1940年5月13日
上星期五晚上，我奉陛下之命，组织新的一届政府。
按国会和国民的意愿，新政府显然应该考虑建立在尽可能广泛的基础上，应该兼容所有的党派。
我已经完成了这项任务的最主要的部分。战时内阁已由五人组成，包括工党、反对党和自由党，这体现了举国团结一致。
由于事态的极端紧急和严峻，新阁政府须于一天之内组成，其他的关键岗位也于昨日安排就绪。今晚还要向国王呈报一份名单。我希望明天就能完成几位主要大臣的任命。
其余大臣们的任命照例得晚一些。我相信，在国会下一次召开时，任命将告完成，臻于完善。
为公众利益着想，我建议议长今天就召开国会。今天的议程结束时，建议休会到5月21日，并准备在必要时提前开会。有关事项当会及早通知各位议员。
现在我请求国会作出决议，批准我所采取的各项步骤，启示记录在案，并且声明信任新政府。决议如下：
"本国会欢迎新政府的组成，她体现了举国一致的坚定不移的决心：对德作战，直到最后胜利。"
组织如此规模和如此复杂的政府原本是一项重大的任务。但是我们正处于历史上罕见的一场大战的初始阶段。我们在其他许多地点作战--在挪威，在荷兰，我们还必须在地中海做好准备。空战正在继续，而且在本土也必须做好许多准备工作。
值此危急关头，我想，即使我今天向国会的报告过于简略，也当能见谅。我还希望所有在这次改组中受到影响的朋友、同僚和旧日的同僚们对必要的礼仪方面的任何不周之处能毫不介意。
我向国会表明，一如我向入阁的大臣们所表明的，我所能奉献的唯有热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水我们所面临的将是一场极其严酷的考验，将是旷日持久的斗争和苦难。
若问我们的政策是什么？我的回答是：在陆上、海上、空中作战。尽我们的全力，尽上帝赋予我们的全部力量去作战，对人类黑暗、可悲的罪恶史上空前凶残的暴政作战。这就是我们的政策。
若问我们的目标是什么？我可以用一个词来回答，那就是胜利。不惜一切代价，去夺取胜利--不惧一切恐怖，去夺取胜利--不论前路如何漫长、如何艰苦，去夺取胜利。因为没有胜利就不能生存。
我们务必认识到，没有胜利就不复有大英帝国，没有胜利就不复有大英帝国所象征的一切，没有胜利就不复有多少世纪以来的强烈要求和冲动：人类应当向自己的目标迈进。
尊敬的各位来宾！
三军将士们！
今天是伟大胜利的纪念日，是和平的节日，是正义胜利的节日，是善良战胜邪恶、自由战胜暴虐的节日。我向你们表示祝贺。
已经过去60年了。但每一年的5月9日我们都哀悼那些逝者，回顾那场战争。那是一场呼唤我们的理性、呼唤我们崇高责任感的战争。它使我们深深地意识到，当时的世界处于怎样的悬崖之边缘，暴力和种族仇视、屠杀和凌辱会导致多么可怕的后果。
我们将永远牢记这些暴行给人类带来的恐惧、屈辱和死亡。
我们将永远尊敬所有在当时献出生命的人、浴血奋战过的人和在后方忘我劳动的人。
我们将永远缅怀死者。作为被拯救者，我们向他们致以人类最崇高的谢意。
第二次世界大战的烈焰席卷了61个国家，殃及全球近80％的人口。熊熊战火不仅横扫欧洲，而且席卷亚非国家，蔓延到埃及和澳大利亚，一直波及大洋彼岸的新大陆和阿拉斯加。 然而，决定这场惨无人道战争的局势以及最终结果的那些最残酷和决定性的事件则发生在苏联境内。法西斯分子妄图以闪电战的方式奴役我们的人民。实际上他们是妄想消灭我们的国家。 他们的图谋破产了。苏联军队先是在莫斯科城下挡住了纳粹分子的攻势。在接下来的三年里，苏军不仅顶住了敌人的压力，而且最终将其赶回了老巢。
莫斯科和斯大林格勒战役的胜利、重重围困中的列宁格勒的英勇不屈、库尔斯克弧形地带和第聂伯河沿岸所取得的战果决定了第二次世界大战的最终结局。而通过解放欧洲和发动柏林战役，苏联红军为战争的胜利划上了句号。
亲爱的朋友们！
我们从没有把胜利分成是自己的和他人的。我们将永远牢记盟友的帮助，包括美国、英国、法国、反希特勒联盟的其他国家，以及德国和意大利的反法西斯人士。
今天，我们在这里向所有抵抗过纳粹的欧洲人致敬。
然而我们还知道，苏联在战争的年代里失去了数千万公民。那些在战场上牺牲的战士来自前苏联各个民族。 苏联各族人民和所有加盟共和国当时遭受了无法弥补的损失。伤痛降临到每一座房屋、每一个家庭。因此，5月9日对独立国家联合体的所有成员国来说都是一个神圣的日子。
我们有着同样的不幸，有着同样的记忆，对子孙后代也有着同样的责任。
我们应当将这种同史同源、同心同德和同愿同望之精神传递给后人。
我相信，除了和睦相处、友好相待，我们别无选择。 俄罗斯愿意与我们的近邻和世界上所有国家建立友好关系，这种关系不应仅仅依靠过往的教训来维系巩固，而且应面向我们共同的未来。
历史告诉我们：各国和各民族都应尽一切努力，不再忽略这样一个问题：新的致命学说如何产生，新的威胁如何形成，由什么转变而来。
战争的教训警示我们：纵容暴力、漠不关心和等待观望必将导致可怕的世界性悲剧。因此，面对当前客观存在的恐怖主义威胁，我们应当忠实于我们的父辈，应当捍卫以安全与公正为基础的，以既不允许“冷战”也不允许“热战”重演的相互关系为基础的国际秩序。
从全球对抗时代结束以来，我们已经向确保欧洲的和平与安宁这一崇高的目标迈进了一大步。
我们正在建设以自由和民主为理念的政治架构，我们认为每个国家都有权选择自己的发展道路。我们的政策是建立在各民族相互信任并共同谋求文明前景这一基础之上的。这其中包括那些曾经历对抗、而后又成功地找到对话与合作之路的民族。
俄罗斯和德国历史性的和解便是这种政策成功的典范。我认为这一和解是战后欧洲最宝贵的成就之一。这一典范应当在当今国际政治中推而广之。 尊敬的俄罗斯公民！
尊敬的各位来宾！
对我国来说，无论是过去还是将来，5月9日永远是一个神圣的日子，永远是一个使我们大家受到鼓舞、得到升华的节日。
这一天，我们的内心百感交集－－有高兴也有哀伤，有悲悯也有崇敬。
这一天唤起我们最崇高的道德良知，使我们有机会再一次向那些施予我们生存、劳作、快乐、创造和相互理解之自由的人表达敬意。
在我国，胜利日是最具亲情和真情的全民节日。对前苏联各族人民来说，胜利日永远是人民创建丰功伟绩的日子。而对欧洲和全球各国来说，胜利日永远是一个拯救世界的日子。
我们的祖辈与父辈为了国家的荣誉和自由不惜付出生命。他们团结一心，捍卫了自己的祖国。
各位领导，各位朋友：
今天，当我穿着这身海一般湛蓝的税服，头顶着闪闪发光的国徵，站在这讲台上时，我感到异常的激动。一年前，从×××税务学院毕业，穿上这身服装时，每次我都禁不住看它一眼。或许是关注一下自身作为税务人的形象;也或许是兴奋自己又重新扬帆起航了。但它不由地时时让我知道，我是一名税务人，是一名道德的赤诚的清廉的税务人。
道德，以它无所不在，无所不有的特性把我们每一位公民紧紧牵在一起。马克思主义认为它是一种上层建筑和意识形态。我国早在孔孟时代就提出“礼义廉耻”等一套道德规范，并在漫长历史中形成文化习惯。上世纪初，蔡元培曾经这样概括他所理解的当时历史条件下的公民道德：所标揭者，曰自由、平等、亲爱，道德之要者尽于是矣。
一个古老国度的现代化进程走到今天，对于公民道德的认识和理解当然应比一个世纪前更为深远，也更加具有社会进步的时代内涵。然而，曾几何时，随着改革开入的深入，越来越多的公民却忘记了道德，忘记了自己是一名中国人。思绪繁乱之时，“好雨知时节”——在二十一世纪，“公民道德建设实施纲要”说出了内里的心声。
而作为一名共和国的税务人，加强道德建设，做一名真正的税务人在新时代下显得如此重要。崭新的世纪大门已为我们开启。每个人都渴望祖国建设的步伐不断迈进。我们，一群为国聚财的税务官，一群共和国的收税人，唯有加强道德建设，加强自身修养，才能对得起这身海蓝的税服，对得起头顶的国徵，才能自豪地说一声，我是一名真正的税务人。
做一名真正的税务人，我们就要赤诚。对国家赤诚，对人民赤诚。如果把祖国比作母亲，税收就是母亲身上的血脉。那么我们——共和国的收税人，就是为伟大母亲献血的孩子，我们就要永远对母亲怀有一颗赤子之心。赤诚就是要求我们爱国。无论何时何地，爱国永远是第一位的。作为中国人，要是不爱国，那就不成为中国人了。
所以《公民道德建设实施纲要》在确定爱国、守法、明理、诚信、团结、友善、勤俭、自强、敬业、奉献，这20个字的公民基本道德规范时，把爱国作为首要规范提出，就是要明确对祖国的热爱，是公民最基本，也是最高尚的道德追求。今天，我们税务人面对着各种以高科技为背景的经济挑战，这就要求我们以聪慧的大脑、广博的知识、睿智的心灵和火一般的激情去为祖国谱下华彩乐章!真正的税务人，便是那巍巍国魂下永不变心、永不褪色的赤诚!
做一名真正的税务人，我们就要敬业。加强道德建设不是口号，而是一种行动。社会日新月异，不进则退。随着加入wto后，要求我们掌握更多更新的税务知识。敬业就是要我们热爱税收，踏实肯干，不断学习，不断进取。身穿税服，心系税务。前面收税的道路尽管很崎岖，需要烈日下我们顶着酷暑下乡，需要暴风雨中我们迎着狂风深入企业。但是，为了共和国的税收，我们无怨无悔。真正的税务人，便是那不怕苦不怕累日益进取的敬业精神。
做一名真正的税务人，我们就要清廉。人说“法律无情”，“法网恢恢，疏而不漏”。当道德这令人怀想起“中华美德”的名字印入眼帘时，我们是否能思考一下“以德治国，不钻漏洞”。每天我们接触大把大把的钞票，时常有企业黑暗的漏洞向我们招手微笑。但是，我们必须抵制诱惑，拒绝黑洞。不要说常在河边走，那有不湿鞋，只要我们时刻牢记着自己是一名真正的税务人，是一个堂堂正正的中国人，我们就要永远公正清廉。做一名真正的税务人，便是那永留清白在人间坚守税务道德的清廉。
朋友们，做一名真正的税务人请我们赶快行动吧，为了我们的祖国，为了共和国的税收大厦。
谢谢大家!
